February 15 was momentous day. More than
10 million protesters took to the streets in around 600 cities worldwide
to say no to war in Iraq. The massivity of the demonstrations made
a big impact on the governments of the world, boosting also the
morale of all those who want to stop this criminal offensive. As
days go by, the case for war becomes more and impopular for the
international public opinion, particularly that of the main belligerent
countries. The British students are calling to occupy the campuses
once the war commences, while the rejection of war, even one backed
by the UN, soars in the polls. In Italy, the anticapitalist activists
tried to blockade a railway line to stop military supplies bound
for the Gulf, whereas the unions have been threatening to strike
once the war starts. In the US, in turn, the antiwar coalitions
are getting ready for a new mass action for next March 15.
Imperialism's choice: either war or
the peace of the cemeteries
The February 15 demos were a big step forward
in the fight against war, but failed to make Bush and his allies
change their minds. While the diplomatic disputes are still raging,
the war preparations have advanced massively. The aircraft carriers,
the figher jets and the US/UK troops have been already deployed
in the Persian Gulf. Many military commentators deem the war might
start in mid March.
There is no time. We have to step up the protests.
A wide vanguard of hundreds of thousands of activists has seen through
the imperialist agenda underpinning the war moves -and this shows
in the slogans they chant 'No war for oil!', 'No to war for the
Empire!'. Yet, the majority of the antiwar movement harbors pacifist
illusions, thinking that the UN can stop the course to war, or that
this can come about just as a result of 'civil desobedience' and
street protests. We revolutionaries always draw a line separating
the conscious action of the reformist and bourgeois leaders who
resort to a 'peace' rhetoric to wrap up their own reactionary agenda,
from the honest pacifist illusions harbored by the mass movement.
Right now, the pacifist mood in the imperialist countries is highly
progressive in itself because it puts whole social layers on a collision
course with their own governments. But if we regard this path as
the sole strategy to be pursued, we might end up with a view holding
that the peaceful coexistence of the oppressed peoples of the world
with their oppressors is possible, without ever challenging the
foundations of the capitalist-imperialist system.
The pacifists portray the Gandhi-led struggle for the liberation
of India as a conclusive proof that an oppressed nation can achive
freedom without resorting to violence against its paymasters. India
gained independence from Britain thanks to the heroic fight of its
people, which paid a high price for the tactics of 'non-violent
resistance' posed by Gandhi -thousands were massacred by murderous
troops of the British Empire. Thus, the Indian people failed to
definitely break away with its oppresors and exploiters, and its
leaders ended up accepting a semicolonial status for India. The
violence, the destitution and the famine flourishing today in the
streets of Calcutta bear testimony to the bankruptcy of such pacifist
strategy.
There will be no true 'peace' as long as the imperialist domination
over the world remains in place, condemning millions to a life of
starvation, exploitation and misery, on top of which come murderous
wars to uphold the profits of the corporations. That is why we should
not only fight against Bush, Blair, Aznar and Berlusconi, but also
against the 'weapons inspection' regime devised by the imperialists
such as Schroeder and Chirac, demanding the UN-imposed economic
embargo should be lifted as well. In the event of war, we are not
'pacifists' ourselves, nor do we take a neutral stance. We are for
the outright defeat of the US and its allies. Whereas we unconditionally
side with Iraq's military camp, we do not give the slightest political
support to Hussein's reactionary regime, which suppresses its own
people and the Kurdish minority in Iraq.
A revolutionary policy
In the European imperialist countries,
where there is a mass anti-war movement, we stand by the policies
of the comrades that make up the League for a Revolutionary Communist
International -LRCI. We have already published common declarations
in the face of the Palestinian struggle, the imperialist war in
Afghanistan and the imperialist offensive against Iraq. In a recent
article titled 'After February 15 - For a global general strike
against the war', the comrades claim that 'national bodies should
be formed, rallying the delegates coming from the forums and the
local meetings and also the unions that want to undertake direct
action against the war. In Europe, should Bush launch the war, we
must fight for a general strike in the companies, in the schools
and the universities across the country. We have to force both the
union leaders and the union federations worldwide to launch a global
general strike. We have to hit the warmongers where it hurts. We
must blockade and sabotage the war effort wherever we are: we call
on the workers in the unions and the antiwar activists to blockade
military transport in the harbours, the railways and the airplanes.
We call for direct action and for boycott campaigns focused on American
corporations such as Exxon and the US embassies.' (Workers Power
Global, London ) Such perspective of direct action undertaken by
the mass movement against the war and the imperialist governments
carrying it out can boost the mobilization in the semicolonial world.
Latin America, a key region to fight back US imperialism, has witnessed
a number of vanguard demonstrations to reject the attack against
Iraq. We have to step up the demonstrations and reinforce our solidarity
with the Iraqi people. The antiwar movement is an international
one, thus posing the urgent need of unifying the struggle in the
main advanced countries with those in semicolonial countries such
as Argentina, Venezuela and Bolivia, which are rising against imperialism
as well. We revolutionaries have a massive chance in front of us:
the challenge of coming together with the most advanced layers of
this movement in the perspective of a revolutionary and internationalist
strategy, uniting the struggle against the war with that against
our exploiters and their governments at home. The task is to smash
the very foundations of an imperialist system that condemns most
human beings to a life of sheer poverty and resorts to war to uphold
its grip ove the entire world.
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